47 pages 1 hour read

World Without Fish

Nonfiction | Graphic Novel/Book | Middle Grade | Published in 2011

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Chapters 3-5Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 3 Summary: “Being the Sad, Cautionary Tale of the Orange Roughy”

The ocean is not as full of fish as most people believe, because the shallower regions, where most commercial fishing is done, have plentiful fish, but farther from shore, the numbers are harder to estimate. These regions are less explored and less understood, and Kurlansky uses the near extinction of the orange roughy to illustrate how our lack of knowledge and understanding has devastating consequences for the species in these ecosystems.

Most fishing is done within 200 miles of land. An important aspect of these ecosystems is that sunlight can penetrate much of the water, leading to a dense population of plankton. Plankton comes in two varieties: phytoplankton, which are microscopic plants that float through the water and produce energy through photosynthesis, and zooplankton, which eat phytoplankton and range in size from microscopic to eight inches. Zooplankton and phytoplankton form the base of the food chain, and seas rich in zooplankton provide food for krill, which other sea life depends upon as a food source.

Because the water gets increasingly deeper the further one ventures from shore, the same density of fish is not found throughout the ocean. There is still lots of life and lots of fish, but many of them live in great, unexplored depths. The orange roughy is one of these fish. In the 1970s, fishermen gained the technology to fish deeper, and the orange roughy became a popular fish to eat. However, the orange roughy was not well understood at the time; for example, fishermen did not realize it lives up to 150 years and grows very slowly. It also cannot reproduce until it is 20 years old, so it appears bigger and more mature than it is. Much of the orange roughy being caught had not yet reproduced, so within 10 years, its population was reduced by 90 percent, and it became one of the world’s most threatened fish species. Kurlansky argues that the orange roughy should serve as a warning of what can happen when fishermen start dragging fishing nets through the depths of the ocean when we do not yet understand its complexities.

In “The Story of Kram and Ailat: Part 4,” Kram is invited on television to talk about the future of the oceans. The host dismisses Kram’s prediction that the oceans could be dead within 50 years and calls him an extremist. A government-employed scientist is on the show as well and reassures the host that measures have been taken to preserve fish stocks. Kram argues that these measures are not enough, but government scientists insist that they have to take political realities into consideration. The host cuts Kram off before he can fully explain his concerns, and he worries no one is listening to him.

Chapter 4 Summary: “Being the Myth of Nature’s Bounty and How Scientists Got It Wrong for Many Years”

Throughout this chapter, Kurlansky explores the longtime misconception of nature’s bounty—or, in other words, the myth that nature is so powerful and indestructible that it cannot be affected by human activity. He argues that the idea stems from scientists and religious thinkers in the 1800s: Scientists believed nature was such a complex force that humans couldn’t interfere, and religious thinkers argued that human beings do not have the power to alter God’s creation. Fish were considered one of the strongest examples supporting this erroneous framework since they produce such massive quantities of eggs (an average-sized cod, for example, can lay as many as three million eggs); however, scientists now know that, like mammals, fish typically have only one to six surviving offspring, and they lay so many eggs because most are eaten or destroyed by the harsh conditions of the sea.

These ideas came to a head in the 19th century when steam-powered fishing boats began affecting fish populations. Concerned about the impact of the new technology, the British government began to investigate. Thomas Huxley, a strong supporter of Darwin and his theories, was appointed to many of these investigations, became extremely influential, and was frequently cited by governments determining fishing policy. He was one of the main proponents of nature’s bounty and believed that fish would keep their own populations in check long before human beings could alter them. If populations began to decline, he argued that fishermen would catch fewer fish, and in time, the populations would rebound.

The problem with Huxley’s ideas was threefold. First, he demonstrates the antagonism between scientists and fishermen due to their vastly different experiences and education. To him, fishermen were unscientific and knew nothing about fish beyond what was required to catch them, so he ignored their insights. Second, he believed that advancements in technology were pushing society into the future and that resisting them was interfering with progress. Lastly, and most importantly, he was wrong. He greatly misunderstood a key idea of Darwin’s findings: namely, that in the struggle for survival, species depend on maintaining a large population. He also overlooked the fact that fishing technology was changing so fast that the data and results he observed would soon be obsolete. Huxley eventually reversed his opinion after investigating engine-driven net draggers and warned that overfishing was not only possible but happening; however, by this point, governments had set their policies, and nobody was paying attention anymore.

In “The Story of Kram and Ailat: Part 5,” three years after their last visit, Kram and Ailat go on another fishing trip with Serafino and his sons. Serafino has a new boat and is now catching fish near the surface because the bottom fish are gone. Kram notes that there are no birds either. Back on land, Ailat looks for crabs but can’t find any, and the local restaurant no longer serves halibut.

Chapter 5 Summary: “Being a Concise History of the Politics of Fish”

In the second half of the 20th century, fishermen noticed that they had to travel larger distances to catch the same number of fish and that the fish were smaller. However, while fishermen again expressed concern about overfishing, they frequently blamed fishermen from other countries.

This xenophobia led to a pattern of governments attempting to protect their waters from foreign fishing boats and peaked in Iceland. Iceland—newly independent and looking to protect their biggest commercial commodity—asked foreign fishing boats to leave their waters. Ownership of the sea hasn’t been determined, and the British—who had been fishing Icelandic waters with their engine-powered boats since the 1890s—saw Iceland’s move as an act of war. It led to three battles between 1958 and 1975, where the British Royal Navy attacked the Icelandic Coast Guard. While very few shots were fired, the conflict was dangerous and violent, with ships rammed and nets cut. The conflict ended with Iceland establishing a 200-mile zone around Icelandic territories that was for their ships only. However, once they had their 200-mile limit, other countries followed suit, and now nearly all of the best fishing grounds on the planet are controlled by a nation or group of nations.

With control over their fishing grounds established and the threat of foreign fishing removed, fishermen and governments both reasoned that with the source of overfishing removed, they could now catch more fish themselves. This resulted in many governments investing heavily in fishing, and initially, they caught more fish and made more money.

The Canadian government proved that this strategy was disastrous. They invested in building a fishing fleet of their own, and at first, it worked out well. However, one group of traditional skiff fishermen in Newfoundland and Labrador saw their catches growing smaller and smaller. They went to scientists with their concerns and found many who agreed with them. However, the Canadian government was making too much money and had its own scientists who argued the northern stock of fish from the Grand Banks was not in danger. By 1992, the Canadian fishing minister announced that the northern stock was almost completely gone and banned fishing in the Grand Banks until it was replenished. Approximately 30,000 fishermen instantly lost their jobs. By 2011, the cod population still had not recovered, and the fishermen had no means of regaining their livelihood. Kurlansky closes the chapter by suggesting that the only positive aspect of this disaster was that it ended debates about the threat of overfishing.

In “The Story of Kram and Ailat: Part 6,” Kram takes Ailat back to the Caribbean to snorkel for her 14th birthday. The water has become green and slimy, the coral reef has mostly died off, and the colorful fish are gone. Kram explains that while catching the parrot fish is part of the problem, the construction of the hotel is the biggest problem, blocking the sun and causing mud slides. 

Chapters 3-5 Analysis

An underlying idea that emerges in all three of these chapters is that human error (whether that of fishermen, politicians, or scientists) is one of the biggest factors contributing to the crisis in the oceans. The kinds of errors are numerous: In the case of the orange roughy, they resulted from a combination of hubris and ignorance; for Huxley, it was not recognizing the limits of his own knowledge and not understanding the implications of Darwin’s ideas; for the governments he informed, it was confirmation bias, and for the Canadian government, it was greed and short-sightedness. These instances also reveal that institutions we may think are objective and making decisions based on the right motivations are as fallible and susceptible to bias as any individual.

With Huxley, numerous factors influenced how he approached the question of overfishing. For one, he was working for a government that bought into the idea that technological advancements were ushering in the future, but no one had yet reckoned with the environmental implications of new and destructive technologies. He also had very little respect for fishermen and ignored their input. This tension between scientists and fishermen is rooted in their vastly different life experiences and ways of acquiring knowledge—fishermen gain real, hands-on experience on the seas while scientists learn from books, the classroom, and through research and experimentation. Kurlansky highlights this tension because both have important insights to offer and need to work together to avoid the mistakes of the past and find effective solutions to overfishing.

The disastrous example of the Canadian government investing in fishing and then overfishing the northern stock to the point they had to close off the Grand Banks illustrates the degree to which money can corrupt political decisions. Because they were making so much money, they ignored the warnings of skiff fishermen (who had been fishing the waters for generations) and the scientists they consulted. Instead, the Canadian government consulted their own scientists, who insisted the northern stock was fine. This error reveals two important things: First, science isn’t objective and is often used for a specific purpose that inherently introduces biases (the most charitable read in this situation is that scientists are just more likely to find something they’re asked to look for), and second, overfishing is an economic and political problem as well as an ecological one. Because of the Canadian government’s calculation errors, an entire community of fishermen in Newfoundland lost their livelihood and culture after the fishing ban. Governments need strategies to protect and restore fish populations that take into account the lives of fishermen and their communities. Because the effects of fishing bans are wide-ranging, Kurlansky emphasizes The Necessity of a Multifaceted Solution to Overfishing.

Part of Kurlansky’s intent is to emphasize The Power and Limits of Individual Action in creating positive change, but individuals are part of the decision-making structures, subject to biases, corruption, and error, and have the power to suppress change. Calculation errors are easy to make when it comes to overfishing due to the vastness and complexity of the problem. Decisions must be made, but they need to be made using reliable data. Without it, as Kurlansky highlighted in the introduction, well-meaning people could destroy the oceans. Informed citizens have a responsibility, Kurlansky says, to assert their power by using their voices and votes to affect change.

The continuation of “The Story of Kram and Ailat” throughout these chapters explores the difficulties of convincing other people that there is a problem and that solving it will require drastic change. When Kram goes on national television to get the word out, the host not only paints him as an extremist but also counterbalances him with a government scientist—reiterating the idea above that science is not free from bias—and constantly interrupts Kram. Kurlansky and illustrator Frank Stockton emphasize this idea visually by having the host’s speech bubbles overlap Kram’s, implying that he is talking over him and not listening. In Parts 5 and 6, Kram and Ailat’s visit with Serafino demonstrates how quickly change is happening. It has only been a few years since their previous visit to see him, but Serafino’s boat and the fish he catches have changed because the bottom fish he used to catch have disappeared. These changes parallel Ailat’s growing older and give young readers insight into what their future could hold if we do not start to act.

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